Did Ancient Societies Take Up Farming to Brew More Beer?

This festive season, whatever you may do, chances are you didn’t have to hunt it or gather it from the wilderness yourself. We owe this to our ancestors, who underwent one of humanity’s most significant transformations around 10,000 years ago, transitioning from a lifestyle of hunting and gathering to one of farming.

The reasons behind this shift remain puzzling, especially since our species thrived for roughly 300,000 years without practices like milking, sowing, or shepherding. Various theories have been proposed. Perhaps agriculture provided a more dependable food source, or it reduced reliance on neighbors. Maybe the significance of a particular location related to spirituality, or perhaps a desire to remain close to buried loved ones played a role.

Or was it social friction that shaped this change? It might sound humorous, but just as today, alcohol could have served as a social lubricant. Maintaining relationships often involves sharing drinks, and if our ancestors wished to facilitate these connections, they would have needed to produce cereals. So could it be that alcohol motivated our ancestors to change their way of life?

Anthropologists have pondered this possibility since the 1950s, but at that time, technology was lacking to test such ideas. One challenge is differentiating between beer and bread, with many believing bread was more likely to kick-start agricultural growth. The archaeological evidence shows that both baking and brewing involved similar processes. Wang Jiajing from Dartmouth College and others needed to figure out how to distinguish the starches from beer and bread and determine which appeared first.

This led a select group of archaeologists, including Wang, on a quest to uncover the earliest known signs of alcoholic beer production.

One promising starting point is ancient settled societies, such as Egypt, where beer production was clearly established. Archaeologists frequently uncover distinctive pottery that resembles fermentation tanks. “They simply refer to it as ‘beer bottle’,” Wang explains. Recently, she and her colleagues confirmed these vessels were used for brewing and storing alcohol by identifying characteristic microscopic remains found inside. At Hierakonpolis in southern Egypt, for instance, fragments of beer bottles were discovered containing starch granules from grains, yeast cells, and “beer stones” made of calcium oxalate. Evidence suggests beer was brewed there from a mixture of wheat, barley, and grasses around 5,800 to 5,600 years ago, predating the first pharaohs by over 2,000 years.

A rice wine pot built 8,700 to 9,000 years ago in Qiaotou, Zhejiang Province, southern China

Wang Jiajing

“They were producing beer on an almost industrial scale,” said Wang. However, these early brews were not like today’s ales or lagers. “They sprouted the grains, cooked them, and used wild yeast to convert sweetness into alcohol,” she explains. The result was not a clear liquid, but rather a “slightly fermented sweet porridge.”

Such findings offer a template for the kind of evidence needed to confirm prehistoric beer production. The next obstacle was identifying how far back such evidence could reach.

In 2016, Li Liu from Stanford University, along with Wang and colleagues, uncovered ceramic vessels at the Mijiayao archaeological site in northern China. They identified traces of beer brewing from 5,000 years ago. This culture used unique plant mixtures for their beer, including broom sorghum millet, Job’s tears millet, barley, and tubers. Five years later, Wang and Liu identified further evidence of ancient drinking at the Xipu ruins near Xi’an, which belonged to the Yang Shao culture. Large pots fermented rice and grains using a fungus called red mold, which is still involved in making fermented foods like rice wine using the starter Kuu. They theorized that elites may have consumed beer at “competitive feasts.”

Oldest Alcoholic Beer

However, the earliest evidence comes from the mountain culture in the lower Yangtze River in southern China, discovered by Liu, tracing back to one of the earliest agricultural societies from approximately 10,000 to 8,500 years ago. In 2021, Wang’s team highlighted findings from the Kaminoyama site, showing that rice and Job’s tears, along with unidentified tuber remnants, were likely used for beer brewing during funerary feasts, indicating a practice highly integrated into their culture.

Just a year ago, Liu and her team described the earliest evidence of brewing in East Asia, analyzing 12 pottery shards from the Kaminoyama site’s deepest layer, dating back 9,000 to 10,000 years. “This depicts the early stages of the Ueyama culture,” she notes. The fragments featured rice, Job’s tears, traces of acorns, lilies, and remnants of carcasses. The Kuu starter included both Monascus and yeast.

At this juncture, Liu confirms, “domestication was already in progress,” and beer production was clearly a factor as well. “When we have surplus grain, we also produce surplus alcohol,” she adds.

Yet while there’s a strong connection, evidence is still elusive. Surprisingly, the oldest bread predates Ueyama beer and actually relates to the establishment of agriculture. Archaeologists discovered evidence of bread-like products, created by the Natufians at Shubaika 1 in Jordan, who generally maintained a foraging lifestyle despite some periods of settlement.

Rice terraces in Guangxi province, China

Sébastien Lecoq / Alamy Stock Photo

To add complexity, evidence has emerged suggesting that these hunter-gatherers may also have brewed beer. At the Rakefet Cave in Israel, a Natufian burial ground with around 30 interred individuals, Liu, Wang, and their colleagues discovered three stone mortars filled with various wild plants, including wheat, barley, and beans, which were fermented to create a porridge-like beer. These vessels date back between 11,700 and 13,700 years, indicating that brewing predates agriculture.

The ongoing debate about which came first, beer or bread, remains unresolved. “We don’t have conclusive evidence to clarify that yet,” Liu remarked. Similarly, it’s uncertain whether beer, bread, or another factor played the most significant role in the agricultural revolution, which ultimately laid the foundation for our food and drink traditions today.

“I wouldn’t be astonished if both were motivating factors,” Wang stated. After all, history is rarely straightforward—especially prehistory.

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Source: www.newscientist.com

Hunter-gatherer societies may be less egalitarian than they seem.

Chimane group members

The Tsimané people of Bolivia regard humility as a hallmark of a commendable person.

David Mercado/Reuters

This metaphor has been so overused that it has turned into a cliché. Hunter-gatherers share their resources equally among tribes with an admirable generosity that seems absent in high-income societies. However, a study of the anthropological data indicates that this perception is not entirely accurate.

“No society achieves true equality,” affirm team members, including Chris von Ruden, an anthropologist at the University of Richmond, Virginia. What seems like equality is often merely practical, if not selfish behavior.

In witnessing the apparently equal wealth distribution in traditional subsistence societies, some researchers conclude that humanity’s default mode is altruism and equity. For instance, the 19th-century philosopher Friedrich Engels, a companion of Karl Marx and a staunch advocate of Marxism, formulated some of his theories based on observations of the egalitarian traits prevalent in traditional cultures.

“However, it isn’t solely about distributing everything among everyone,” states von Ruden.

Following their examination of existing evidence, von Ruden and his colleagues, including Duncan Stebbard-Hawkes, researchers from Durham University in the UK, suggest that some anthropologists mistakenly interpret the communal wealth’s equality as a sign of an inherent desire for equality. Moreover, the focus on equity in certain traditional societies may stem less from an egalitarian philosophy and more from individual concerns about limited choices. For example, the Mbenjele people of the Republic of Congo utilize a grievance process known as Mosambo, where individuals publicly express their grievances to the camp.


“People dislike intimidation, coercion, and ‘big shots,'” suggests Manvir Singh, an anthropologist at the University of California, Davis, who was not involved in the research. He agrees with von Ruden and Stebbard-Hawkes, noting that a society focused on safeguarding individual autonomy may present as egalitarian.

Research indicates that, alongside the preference for autonomy, equality can arise from self-interested actions. Instead of sharing hunting success out of generosity, hunters might distribute meat to avoid ongoing blame. Supporting this notion, von Ruden and Stebbard-Hawkes highlight frequent and “vocal” requests for food sharing within many foraging communities. For instance, in some Kun communities, located in Angola, Botswana, and Namibia, approximately 34 percent of daytime conversations involve complaints about being stingy.

Equally, a community where members readily share resources and assist one another isn’t necessarily devoid of social hierarchies. Certain cultures valorize individuals who are more cooperative and community-oriented. For example, the Tsimane people of Bolivia cherish humility and kindness as traits of a commendable individual. Thus, von Ruden and Stebbard-Hawkes argue that the documented equality in traditional subsistence societies may stem from intense competition to appear just within the group.

The research claims to “provide a significant contribution that integrates multiple ethnographic cases to showcase the range and diversity of egalitarianism.” According to Jerome Lewis, an anthropologist at the University of London, the 19th-century portrayal of Engels’ “noble savage” living in a utopian, principled community is no longer relevant and represents a “highly biased and discriminatory perspective.” Like any human groups, hunter-gatherers compete, clash, and seek methods to resolve their disputes.

Lewis notes that traditional subsistence societies globally have developed “impressive alternatives” to how high-income nations organize culture and justice. He emphasizes that many traditional subsistence societies have existed for over 50,000 years and continue to thrive, imparting potent lessons and fresh perspectives on how we structure our communities.

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Source: www.newscientist.com

Hunter-gatherer Societies May Be More Hierarchical Than They Seem

The Tsimané people of Bolivia believe that humility signifies a worthy person.

David Mercado/Reuters

This metaphor is so overused that it has become a cliché. Hunter-gatherers share their resources equally among their tribes, demonstrating a noble generosity that is often absent in wealthier societies. However, a review of anthropological evidence suggests a more nuanced reality.

“No society exemplifies true equality,” asserts Chris von Ruden, an anthropologist at the University of Richmond in Virginia. What may seem like equality is instead a product of practical or even selfish behaviors.

Some researchers, observing the apparently equitable distribution of resources in traditional subsistence societies, have posited that humans inherently lean towards altruism and equality. For instance, 19th-century philosopher Friedrich Engels, a close associate of Karl Marx and a staunch advocate of Marxism, drew inspiration from reports highlighting the egalitarian nature of traditional cultures.

“Yet, it’s not merely about sharing everything with everyone,” notes von Ruden.

After analyzing the existing data, von Ruden and his colleagues, including Duncan Stebbard Hawkes from Durham University in the UK, contend that some anthropologists mistakenly interpret community wealth equality as an indication of a shared desire for equality. They argue that the pursuit of equality in some traditional societies may stem more from individuals’ desires to avoid constraints on their choices. For instance, the Mbenjele community in the Republic of Congo has a grievance mechanism called mosambo, where individuals vocalize to the entire camp about their perceived rights violations.

“People dislike bullying, coercion, and those who dominate,” remarks Manvir Singh, an anthropologist at UC Davis not involved in the study. He believes that von Ruden and Stebbard-Hawkes accurately highlight that societies focused on individual autonomy may appear egalitarian.

Researchers have observed that along with a desire for autonomy, equality can also emerge from self-serving actions. Instead of altruistically sharing hunting successes, hunters might distribute meat to avoid continued blame. Von Ruden and Stebbard-Hawkes cite evidence of frequent and vocal demands for food sharing among hunters in various foraging cultures. For example, it has been noted that over 34% of daytime conversations among the !Kung people, who inhabit regions in Angola, Botswana, and Namibia, involve complaints about others being stingy.

Additionally, a society characterized by individuals willing to share resources and assist each other isn’t necessarily devoid of social hierarchies. Certain cultures reward those who are more cooperative and community-focused. For example, the Tsimané people of Bolivia hold that humility and kindness are essential traits of worthy individuals. Thus, von Ruden and Stebbard-Hawkes suggest that the equality observed in traditional societies could result from intense competition to be viewed as the fairest among peers.

The study represents “a significant contribution that compiles various ethnographic cases to illustrate the diversity and complexity of egalitarianism,” notes Jerome Lewis, an anthropologist at University College London. He asserts that the 19th-century portrayal of Engels as a “noble savage” residing in an idyllic, principled society is outdated and represents a “very discriminatory and biased perspective.” Just like other human groups, hunter-gatherers compete, argue, and seek resolution for their conflicts.

Lewis emphasizes that traditional subsistence societies worldwide have created “impressive alternatives” to the ways high-income nations structure culture and justice. Some of these societies have thrived for over 50,000 years, offering valuable lessons and fresh perspectives on how we might organize ourselves.

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Source: www.newscientist.com

People in industrial societies sleep longer than those in hunting and gathering societies.

Technology may be falsely blamed for lack of sleep

Cavan Images/Getty Images

Unlike our ancestors who lived in technologically advanced times, there is much written about how modern lifestyles mean that we no longer get enough sleep. However, an analysis of 54 sleep studies conducted around the world has shown that people in small, non-industrial societies actually sleep less than people in industrialized communities.

“Everyone I talk about in Canada and the US are talking about how bad their sleep is.” Leela Mackinnon At Toronto Mississauga University, Canada. “The numbers don't show that.”

It is often assumed that the rise of gadgets like big screen televisions and smartphones means that people today are less sleepy than in the recent past.

However, many studies reporting sleep declines over the past few decades are based on asking people how long they spend sleep. This is an unreliable measure. Even using this method, The results are mixedmany studies have found that there is no change or even an increase in sleep duration.

Studies based on more reliable measurements, such as using physical activity monitors and electrodes to monitor brain waves, have not declined over the last few decades. For example, we found a 2016 review of 168 studies. There is no decline Sleep period for the past 50 years.

However, these studies have been conducted in developed countries and reveal the question of whether people had more sleep before industrialisation. Wrist-based activity monitors are now available, making it easier to study sleep in a non-industrial society.

Such studies have revealed an incredible short period of sleep. For example, among hunter-gatherers, Sun sleeps on average 6.7 hours per night, Hatza sleeps 6.2 hours, and Bayaka sleeps 5.9 hours per night. The shortest time ever found is 5.5 hours of sleep in the HIMBA community in Namibia, a herdsman of nomadic livestock.

McKinnon and her colleagues David SamsonUniversity of Toronto, University of Mississauga, is also involved in several such research. They now compare sleep habits in industrialized societies, including the US, Australia and Sri Lanka, with people from small, non-industrial communities, including the Amazon, Madagascar and the Pacific indigenous people.

Overall, the analysis is based on 54 studies that include direct measures of sleep in people over 18 years of age without serious health conditions. In total, only 866 people are involved in these studies, but the dataset is the most comprehensive to date, says Samson. “It's the best now.”

Overall, these individuals slept on average 6.8 hours, while in non-industrial societies the average was 6.4 hours, while in industrial societies it was 7.1 hours.

The two also found that people from the industrial world were asleep for 74% of their time in bed.

McKinnon and Samson also evaluated the regularity of people's circadian rhythms using a measure called the circadian function index, where the score of 1 is perfect. In non-industrialized communities, the average was 0.7 compared to 0.63 in industrial societies.

Samson attributes the higher period of sleep and increased sleep efficiency in industrialized societies to conditions that encourage sleep more. “We see that we have some real benefits from the safety and security of our sleep scene,” he says. “There's no need to dodge the night or predators with rival human groups.”

Conversely, people in industrial areas are less exposed to clues that help to maintain a circadian rhythm, such as low night temperatures and bright daylight exposure. Although they did not appreciate this, both MacKinnon and Samson said that a low normal circadian rhythm would have a negative effect explaining why many people perceive their sleep as poor. I doubt there is a possibility of giving it.

What is not clear from the paper says that individuals in these 54 studies are representatives of the overall population. Nathaniel Marshall At Macquarie University in Sydney, Australia. “Special sampling is required to make a statement about epidemiological prevalence,” he says.

Samson said he looked into whether large sample sizes could change results, and concluded that there was no significant difference.

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Source: www.newscientist.com

Possible Title: Potential Evidence of ‘Sun Stones’ Used by Ancient Societies to Combat Volcanic Winters

A stone tablet with a sun motif discovered on the Danish island of Bornholm

Antiquity Publications/John Lee, National Museum of Denmark

Hundreds of mysterious carved “sun stones” excavated in Denmark may have been ritually buried after the sun disappeared in a volcanic eruption around 2900 BC.

A total of 614 stone tablets and fragments inscribed with decorative motifs of the sun and plants have been unearthed in recent years. Basagard West Ruins Located on the island of Bornholm in Denmark. They were discovered in geological formations dating back some 4,900 years, when Neolithic people were farming the region and building enclosures surrounded by earthworks of banks and ditches.

Most of the carved sun stones were found in ditches around these enclosures, which were covered with cobblestones containing pottery shards and other items. This pottery is typical of the Late Funnel Beaker culture, which existed in the area from about 2900 to 2800 BC.

It was originally proposed that the stone carving of the sun was buried to ensure a good harvest. They say the sun was central to early Nordic agricultural culture. Rune Iversen at the University of Copenhagen, Denmark.

“But why did they store all these images at the same time?” Iversen asks. “The last thing they basically did here was deposit these sun stones and cover them with animal bone fragments and all kinds of artifacts and stuff like that. And then it went from trench to trench. You can see it being repeated. So it's some kind of action or event.”

Now he and his colleagues have found the answer. They looked at data from ice cores taken in Greenland and Antarctica and found that high concentrations of sulfate were deposited in the years following volcanic eruptions around 2900 BC.

Researchers say the relative proportions of sulfate deposition in Greenland and Antarctica suggest the eruption was somewhere close to the equator, and its effects appear to have spread over a vast area. . Ash clouds may have blocked out the sun and cooled temperatures for years.

A severe cold period around 2900 B.C. is supported by sources such as preserved wood rings from the Main River Valley in Germany and long-lived rock pine tree rings from the western United States.

This eruption would have had a devastating impact on the Neolithic peoples of northern Europe. “If we don’t have a harvest and the crop is not accepted, we won’t be able to sow anything next year,” Iversen says. “They must have felt quite punished at the time, because endless catastrophe was just going to befall them.”

He and his colleagues say burying the sculptures may have been an attempt to bring back the sun, or a celebration after the skies finally cleared.

say “that's a good explanation” jens winter johansen At the Roskilde Museum in Denmark. “There is no doubt that our staunchly agricultural society must trust the sun.”

Lars Larsson Researchers from Sweden's Lund University asked why, if climate impacts are widespread, evidence of such behavior is only found on Bornholm and not elsewhere in southern Scandinavia. Ta.

That may be because the people there had an abundance of slate, a hard stone with which to carve statues of the sun, whereas much of the rest of southern Scandinavia is mostly clay and has fewer stones suitable for carving. The body, Iversen says. “They may have carved wood or leather from other locations,” he says, but these would not normally have been preserved.

Or it may reflect cultural differences, Johansen says. “These societies are not isolated, but they are more isolated on the islands. That may be why they developed their own customs and culture.”

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Source: www.newscientist.com

Terrifying Landscapes: The Impact of Violent Conflict on Non-State Societies in Ancient Europe

The impact of intergroup conflict on demographics has long been debated, especially in prehistoric and non-state societies. In their study, scientists from the Complexity Science Hub, the University of Washington, and the Leibniz Center for Archaeology believe that beyond the direct casualties of combat, conflicts can create “landscapes of fear” that can lead many non-combatants near conflict zones to abandon their homes and migrate.

The Battle of Orsha by Hans Krell.

“Around the world, scientists have extensively studied and debated the existence and role of prehistoric conflict,” said Dr Daniel Condor, a researcher at the Complexity Science Hub.

“But it remains difficult to estimate the impact on population numbers and so on.”

“The situation is further complicated by potential indirect effects, such as people leaving their homes or avoiding certain areas out of fear.”

These indirect effects of conflict can have caused significant long-term demographic changes in non-state societies such as Neolithic Europe (c. 7000-3000 BC).

“Our model shows that fear of conflict led to population declines in potentially dangerous areas.”

“As a result, people began concentrating in safer areas, such as on the hills, and overpopulation threatened to increase death rates and decrease birth rates.”

“The results of the simulation study are in good agreement with empirical evidence from archaeological field investigations, for example the Late Neolithic site of Kapellenberg near Frankfurt, dating to around 3700 BC,” added Dr Detlef Groenenborn, researcher at the Leibniz Archaeological Centre.

“There are many examples of agricultural land being temporarily abandoned as groups retreated to more defensible locations and invested heavily in extensive defensive systems such as walls, palisades and ditches.”

“The concentration of people in particular, often well-defended locations, may have led to growing wealth inequalities and political structures that legitimised these differences,” said Dr Peter Turchin, a researcher at the Complexity Science Hub.

“Thus, the indirect effects of conflict may also have played an important role in the emergence of larger political units and the rise of early states.”

To simulate the demographic dynamics of Neolithic Europe, the authors developed a new computational model.

To test their model, the researchers used a database of archaeological sites and analysed a number of radiocarbon dates from different locations and time periods, under the assumption that this reflects the scale of human activity and therefore population numbers.

“This allows us to explore the typical amplitudes and time scales of population growth and decline across Europe. Our goal was to reflect these patterns in our simulations,” Dr Conder said.

“Direct collaboration with archaeologists is crucial to ensure we have as complete a picture as possible.”

“This study is a great example of the potential of such interdisciplinary collaboration.”

of study Published in Royal Society Journal Interface.

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Daniel Condor others2024. Landscapes of Fear: Indirect Impacts of Conflict May Cause Large-Scale Population Declines in Non-State Societies. JR Association Interface 21(217):20240210;doi:10.1098/rsif.2024.0210

This article is based on an original release by Complexity Science Hub.

Source: www.sci.news