The Tsimané people of Bolivia believe that humility signifies a worthy person.
David Mercado/Reuters
This metaphor is so overused that it has become a cliché. Hunter-gatherers share their resources equally among their tribes, demonstrating a noble generosity that is often absent in wealthier societies. However, a review of anthropological evidence suggests a more nuanced reality.
“No society exemplifies true equality,” asserts Chris von Ruden, an anthropologist at the University of Richmond in Virginia. What may seem like equality is instead a product of practical or even selfish behaviors.
Some researchers, observing the apparently equitable distribution of resources in traditional subsistence societies, have posited that humans inherently lean towards altruism and equality. For instance, 19th-century philosopher Friedrich Engels, a close associate of Karl Marx and a staunch advocate of Marxism, drew inspiration from reports highlighting the egalitarian nature of traditional cultures.
“Yet, it’s not merely about sharing everything with everyone,” notes von Ruden.
After analyzing the existing data, von Ruden and his colleagues, including Duncan Stebbard Hawkes from Durham University in the UK, contend that some anthropologists mistakenly interpret community wealth equality as an indication of a shared desire for equality. They argue that the pursuit of equality in some traditional societies may stem more from individuals’ desires to avoid constraints on their choices. For instance, the Mbenjele community in the Republic of Congo has a grievance mechanism called mosambo, where individuals vocalize to the entire camp about their perceived rights violations.
“People dislike bullying, coercion, and those who dominate,” remarks Manvir Singh, an anthropologist at UC Davis not involved in the study. He believes that von Ruden and Stebbard-Hawkes accurately highlight that societies focused on individual autonomy may appear egalitarian.
Researchers have observed that along with a desire for autonomy, equality can also emerge from self-serving actions. Instead of altruistically sharing hunting successes, hunters might distribute meat to avoid continued blame. Von Ruden and Stebbard-Hawkes cite evidence of frequent and vocal demands for food sharing among hunters in various foraging cultures. For example, it has been noted that over 34% of daytime conversations among the !Kung people, who inhabit regions in Angola, Botswana, and Namibia, involve complaints about others being stingy.
Additionally, a society characterized by individuals willing to share resources and assist each other isn’t necessarily devoid of social hierarchies. Certain cultures reward those who are more cooperative and community-focused. For example, the Tsimané people of Bolivia hold that humility and kindness are essential traits of worthy individuals. Thus, von Ruden and Stebbard-Hawkes suggest that the equality observed in traditional societies could result from intense competition to be viewed as the fairest among peers.
The study represents “a significant contribution that compiles various ethnographic cases to illustrate the diversity and complexity of egalitarianism,” notes Jerome Lewis, an anthropologist at University College London. He asserts that the 19th-century portrayal of Engels as a “noble savage” residing in an idyllic, principled society is outdated and represents a “very discriminatory and biased perspective.” Just like other human groups, hunter-gatherers compete, argue, and seek resolution for their conflicts.
Lewis emphasizes that traditional subsistence societies worldwide have created “impressive alternatives” to the ways high-income nations structure culture and justice. Some of these societies have thrived for over 50,000 years, offering valuable lessons and fresh perspectives on how we might organize ourselves.
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Source: www.newscientist.com
